This post first appeared on Scots Gazette on 6 December
Today Angela Merkel and Nicolas Sarkozy met for make or break talks
to save the Euro. If they implement what they have agreed the Eurozone
will become essentially both a monetary and a fiscal union. If they
fail, the enormous debt mountains threaten to bury the currency, along
with several countries and with it perhaps the EU itself!
And what of Britain? What is the future in an outer ring of nations
outside a core of 17 nations joined fiscally and monetarily?
In trying to answer this question I am conscious that I have always
been, and remain, a pro European. The EU supports trade and commerce
and an incredibly positive cultural exchange. True, it costs a lot but
that is more than made up for by what we gain in trade and contracts.
I am also conscious that post globalisation the EU is an invaluable
supra-national body, vital for international co-operation on issues like
climate control and scientific projects.
But, most importantly I believe the EU (and its predecessors) is an
absolutely crucial building block in what has kept the peace in Europe
since World War II and what makes war seem almost unthinkable amongst
these close knit neighbouring nations.
So what of the Euro?
I have always held the view that we were right to not enter into the
Euro. Oh, the principle seemed fine enough but only if monetary and
fiscal policy was a good fit with our economy – which across so many
countries and based heavily on Germany always seemed unlikely. I
thought Gordon Brown got it about right setting five tests to see if it
was right to join, the first and most important of which said, ” are our
business cycles and economic structures compatible so that we could
live comfortably with Euro interest rates”.
Also, while I am a passionate believer in Europe and see it as far
more than just a Common Market, I do not believe in a united states of
Europe. Nationalism is too potent a force to pull that one off
peace-ably. A close knit supra-national body and community of nations
is how I see the EU.
This means I am glad we have not been part of the Euro. I could
never have foreseen this malarkey but it did not seem in our interests
before. Today, I think it is best we continue to keep out of it.
I suspect if the untangling can be done without excessive pain, one
or two countries curently in the currency are best finding a controlled
way to extract themselves. This may be the best thing for all, not
least the Greek people for example!
As it is these are interesting times for Europe and we must be careful that the EU itself does not unravel – which is a danger.
The Scottish angle in this is interesting.
If Scotland were to become independent the SNP’s currency of choice
would be Sterling. Going into the Euro would be even more untenable now
than when this policy was first made. However, if we were to be part
of a Sterling zone would it not be better if we got the vote for the
body that decides fiscal policy that affects the currency – namely
Westminster? Does this not recognise we are part of a Sterling
economy? Is this not an indicator that we are a natural part of the UK
rather than separate from it? I would argue this helps to indicate that
devolution within the UK is the most natural and the right
constitutional arrangement for Scotland!
Independence in Europe, since the 1980s has been central to making
Scottish independence seem more credible and less scary than outright
independence maybe seemed in years gone by. If the future shape of
Europe seems more uncertain, as I think is the case currently, then this
strengthens the logic of being part of the UK. Again, being an
autonomous part of the United Kingdom is the way forward – Home Rule
within the UK makes more and more sense to me.
I think in the current period Europe and the Global Financial Crisis
are difficult ones for the SNP administration at Holyrood as they
emphasise how they are in fact marginal to issues such as those crises
and the the Sterling economic zone!
Friday, 30 December 2011
We are rubbish at looking after carers!
This post, by me, first appeared on Scots Gazette on 29 November
The sad death of footballer Gary Speed has thrown mental ill health into the spotlight again. As I write I do not know what led to the death of a popular young man by his own hand at the tragically early age of 42. However, it highlights the battles many suffer from illnesses such as depression and the desperate challenges faced by their families and loved ones.
I want to consider the issue of those who suffer mental ill health and their carers. I want to talk about how important they are, how important it is to look after them and how – when it comes to carers – the mental health authorities are all talk and could do better!
Something like a fifth of the population suffers from mental illness and it is estimated that in the UK there are 1.5 million caring for relatives suffering in this way or from dementia.
Carers are a desperately important part of the support medical care given to those with mental illness to allow their recovery or put them in a position where they can cope with their everyday lives. The mental health authorities in Scotland have recognised the importance of an informal network of unpaid carers as a crucial part of the delivery of care and that they be” respected in their role and experience receive appropriate information and advice and have their views taken into account.” Which is apparently part of one of ten Millan guiding principles which went towards forming the Mental health (Care and Treatment) (Scotland) Act 2003.
Carers also face a tough situation. Sure they come in all shapes and sizes and face an almost infinite variety of different situations across a broad spectrum of severity. However, they all face certain things in common. Carers all report feeling emotions of hopelessness, fear, guilt and isolation. Often they find themselves utterly alone and overwhelmed by a situation they feel inadequate to deal with. There is also plenty of evidence now that their physical health often suffers as well.
Caring is a tough gig and it is important. But talking to carers they all, consistently, complain of being kept outside the loop. They feel they are not well communicated with about their loved ones condition. They feel, despite the fact that they know them and their moods best, their views and observations are not listened to and, perhaps worst of all, they feel there is almost no information and support for them.
One carer said to me, “the mental health profession is just a bit rubbish when it comes to looking after carers!”
This is a view many professionals working with carers sadly share as well. I’m told by some people working with carers that the principles of working with carers in Scotland have not yet been truly implemented. And I’ve no reason to think England and Wales is doing any better.
More needs to be done.
To this end I want to praise the work done by Edinburgh Carers Council (ECC). They recognise the need to look after and support carers. They need the support and ultimately this aids the recovery of the original loved one and patient. And this is more than a one hit.
As the medical model of looking after mental illnesses has moved from complete recovery to finding a way of living a satisfying and contributing life, so that ongoing support has to adapt for carers.
The ECC are developing programmes that support carers on an ongoing basis. One programme I have come across is known as WRAP (wellness recovery action plan). It has been adapted for carers and is about supporting them and equipping them to support themselves. It aims to give carers a range of strategies and routines which are about looking after themselves. Eating properly and getting rest and exercise is part of it. Making time for yourself and having routines to recuperate are also important. This is about leisure and doing some of the things you love. If you are not making a life for yourself you will rapidly become useless to your loved one you care for. It is also about self esteem and feeling supported; and it’s about giving access to information and practical support to navigate the mental health authorities, to participate in care and get answers and support when you need it. The idea is improved physical and mental well being, less guilt, more energy and improved relationships which all means being a better carer.
It is just one programme but it is giving real and practical support to carers of those with mental health problems in Edinburgh today.
My plea is therefore this:
We need more of this for carers of all types.
The mental health authorities, who do a tough job and many great things, need to be better in practice at looking after carers rather than just talking about it in reports.
And, in these times of austerity, I can imagine programmes like this could be in the frontline for being cut-back. My plea is that they are vital and ultimately better value in saved resources and medication bills as a result of the support carers give the mentally ill on their journeys to recovery and coping.
The sad death of footballer Gary Speed has thrown mental ill health into the spotlight again. As I write I do not know what led to the death of a popular young man by his own hand at the tragically early age of 42. However, it highlights the battles many suffer from illnesses such as depression and the desperate challenges faced by their families and loved ones.
I want to consider the issue of those who suffer mental ill health and their carers. I want to talk about how important they are, how important it is to look after them and how – when it comes to carers – the mental health authorities are all talk and could do better!
Something like a fifth of the population suffers from mental illness and it is estimated that in the UK there are 1.5 million caring for relatives suffering in this way or from dementia.
Carers are a desperately important part of the support medical care given to those with mental illness to allow their recovery or put them in a position where they can cope with their everyday lives. The mental health authorities in Scotland have recognised the importance of an informal network of unpaid carers as a crucial part of the delivery of care and that they be” respected in their role and experience receive appropriate information and advice and have their views taken into account.” Which is apparently part of one of ten Millan guiding principles which went towards forming the Mental health (Care and Treatment) (Scotland) Act 2003.
Carers also face a tough situation. Sure they come in all shapes and sizes and face an almost infinite variety of different situations across a broad spectrum of severity. However, they all face certain things in common. Carers all report feeling emotions of hopelessness, fear, guilt and isolation. Often they find themselves utterly alone and overwhelmed by a situation they feel inadequate to deal with. There is also plenty of evidence now that their physical health often suffers as well.
Caring is a tough gig and it is important. But talking to carers they all, consistently, complain of being kept outside the loop. They feel they are not well communicated with about their loved ones condition. They feel, despite the fact that they know them and their moods best, their views and observations are not listened to and, perhaps worst of all, they feel there is almost no information and support for them.
One carer said to me, “the mental health profession is just a bit rubbish when it comes to looking after carers!”
This is a view many professionals working with carers sadly share as well. I’m told by some people working with carers that the principles of working with carers in Scotland have not yet been truly implemented. And I’ve no reason to think England and Wales is doing any better.
More needs to be done.
To this end I want to praise the work done by Edinburgh Carers Council (ECC). They recognise the need to look after and support carers. They need the support and ultimately this aids the recovery of the original loved one and patient. And this is more than a one hit.
As the medical model of looking after mental illnesses has moved from complete recovery to finding a way of living a satisfying and contributing life, so that ongoing support has to adapt for carers.
The ECC are developing programmes that support carers on an ongoing basis. One programme I have come across is known as WRAP (wellness recovery action plan). It has been adapted for carers and is about supporting them and equipping them to support themselves. It aims to give carers a range of strategies and routines which are about looking after themselves. Eating properly and getting rest and exercise is part of it. Making time for yourself and having routines to recuperate are also important. This is about leisure and doing some of the things you love. If you are not making a life for yourself you will rapidly become useless to your loved one you care for. It is also about self esteem and feeling supported; and it’s about giving access to information and practical support to navigate the mental health authorities, to participate in care and get answers and support when you need it. The idea is improved physical and mental well being, less guilt, more energy and improved relationships which all means being a better carer.
It is just one programme but it is giving real and practical support to carers of those with mental health problems in Edinburgh today.
My plea is therefore this:
We need more of this for carers of all types.
The mental health authorities, who do a tough job and many great things, need to be better in practice at looking after carers rather than just talking about it in reports.
And, in these times of austerity, I can imagine programmes like this could be in the frontline for being cut-back. My plea is that they are vital and ultimately better value in saved resources and medication bills as a result of the support carers give the mentally ill on their journeys to recovery and coping.
Wednesday, 30 November 2011
LibDems - be clear who you are or die!
Recently, in the days after party conference season, some LibDem bloggers asked who are we as a party. For these are turbulent times. The global economy is stagnating, Europe is in crisis and Scotland's place in the UK is being questioned.
There is no doubt the last 18 months have been a disaster for the LibDems. But we are in government and in Scotland have a job to do in opposition but also have a job to define our place and our role in Scottish politics.
At this turbulent time we need to define who we are. The electorate are confused and I think we are suffering an identity crisis at times. Defining this is crucial in our journey back.
It seems to me the LibDems established themselves as a non socialist alternative to the Conservative party over a period of 50-60 years. This places us slightly left of centre. The last couple of years, and Clegg’s leadership in particular, have driven a coach and horses through this positioning and the result is some confusion as to who we are – both internally and externally.
However, I think the detailed polling figures over the years highlight that the debate can move on. It is not sufficient to plough the same furrow of being Labour lite – penny on the pound of income tax for education and so on – indefinitely.
Indeed, under Charles Kennedy we positioned ourselves as in some ways to the left of Labour.
Then came the Orange Book. As I understand it the Orange Book was all about trying to find a new way moving forward – it was never a credo of the ‘right wing’ of the party and economic liberals. Styling it like that was to mis-understand the book.
The dangers of this period of coalition government are becoming clear. On the one hand Cameron and the Conservatives love bombing the LibDems to oblivion, while on the other, the danger of burning our bridges with social democrats, and anyone with left of centre instincts.
What are the LibDems to do? The need to win over one nation Conservatives for ourselves leaving the Tories to neo Cons and ‘Little Englanders’ has been highlighted. At the same time, there is also the need to win those on the left with our core appeal to the non socialist left of centre. And our appeal to liberals of course.
As I have argued in a number of posts, I think the starting point is to decide who we are. It has been highlighted that while many ‘feel’ they share our values there is real confusion as to who we are. If we decide who we are, from this work we can discern a range of broad and detailed policy themes, as well as a narrative and an analysis of our society and economy.
After this is clear we can work on the positioning and the political strategy.
However, what is clear is that we must be clear of who we are and what we are for – because right now there is some confusion and it has the potential to kill us.
We do so from being centre left or progressive
We don't think private enterprise is necessarily bad.
We are neither socialist nor neo-con nor nationalist
In fact we think a strong economy underpins everything, but we are not neo-cons or libertarians. So we believe in intervention and public services free at the point of delivery to provide true equality of opportunity and to equalise the odds.
This is tough if you have to cut to rebuild the economy - as we do, now more than ever.
What we have been able to do is targetted interventions and increases in public spending to equalise the odds and to solve the problems that need solved.
Above all we are an adult party prepared to do what is practical and seek evidence based solutions rather than retreat to tired tribal positions - or to lack courage to do what needs to be done. It is not student politics!
There is no doubt the last 18 months have been a disaster for the LibDems. But we are in government and in Scotland have a job to do in opposition but also have a job to define our place and our role in Scottish politics.
At this turbulent time we need to define who we are. The electorate are confused and I think we are suffering an identity crisis at times. Defining this is crucial in our journey back.
It seems to me the LibDems established themselves as a non socialist alternative to the Conservative party over a period of 50-60 years. This places us slightly left of centre. The last couple of years, and Clegg’s leadership in particular, have driven a coach and horses through this positioning and the result is some confusion as to who we are – both internally and externally.
However, I think the detailed polling figures over the years highlight that the debate can move on. It is not sufficient to plough the same furrow of being Labour lite – penny on the pound of income tax for education and so on – indefinitely.
Indeed, under Charles Kennedy we positioned ourselves as in some ways to the left of Labour.
Then came the Orange Book. As I understand it the Orange Book was all about trying to find a new way moving forward – it was never a credo of the ‘right wing’ of the party and economic liberals. Styling it like that was to mis-understand the book.
The dangers of this period of coalition government are becoming clear. On the one hand Cameron and the Conservatives love bombing the LibDems to oblivion, while on the other, the danger of burning our bridges with social democrats, and anyone with left of centre instincts.
What are the LibDems to do? The need to win over one nation Conservatives for ourselves leaving the Tories to neo Cons and ‘Little Englanders’ has been highlighted. At the same time, there is also the need to win those on the left with our core appeal to the non socialist left of centre. And our appeal to liberals of course.
As I have argued in a number of posts, I think the starting point is to decide who we are. It has been highlighted that while many ‘feel’ they share our values there is real confusion as to who we are. If we decide who we are, from this work we can discern a range of broad and detailed policy themes, as well as a narrative and an analysis of our society and economy.
After this is clear we can work on the positioning and the political strategy.
However, what is clear is that we must be clear of who we are and what we are for – because right now there is some confusion and it has the potential to kill us.
We do so from being centre left or progressive
We don't think private enterprise is necessarily bad.
We are neither socialist nor neo-con nor nationalist
In fact we think a strong economy underpins everything, but we are not neo-cons or libertarians. So we believe in intervention and public services free at the point of delivery to provide true equality of opportunity and to equalise the odds.
This is tough if you have to cut to rebuild the economy - as we do, now more than ever.
What we have been able to do is targetted interventions and increases in public spending to equalise the odds and to solve the problems that need solved.
- The protection of the NHS
- Working as a party to stand against the draconian work capability assessments for Employment and Support Allowance.
- Increasing pensions by over £5 a week (Labour managed 75p), implementing automatic pension rights for workers - often for the first time in smaller companies and having in Steve Webb the best Pensions Minister in a generation.
- A more targetted approach of the pupil premium making education more accessible to more disadvantaged kids
- More pre school education - a vital stage
- I would still dearly like us to find a way to reduce or eliminate tuition fees for tertiary education - and this remains our stance in Scotland where we originally delivered it.
- More apprentices than under Labour
- Income tax that helps the low paid
- Pushing back on removing employment rights in larger firms
- Support and resourcing for developing renewable energy
- Development of the Green Bank
Above all we are an adult party prepared to do what is practical and seek evidence based solutions rather than retreat to tired tribal positions - or to lack courage to do what needs to be done. It is not student politics!
Friday, 11 November 2011
Remembrance Day
Today is Remembrance Day and this year it has stirred up a bit of controversy what with FIFA and international footballers’ shirts and some extremist British Islamists who want to promote ‘Hell for Heroes’. At the same time fewer and fewer people seem to wear a poppy (unless you are a TV presenter!)
What does Remembrance Day mean for me?
The Remembrance Days I attended at school in Edinburgh in the 1970s left a big impression on me.
First it was some of the teachers. Several had seen action. One, a French teacher who was hopeless at keeping order, had been at Arnhem and was a bone fide war hero. Another had been at Monte Cassino. One of the primary teachers had been imprisoned by the Japanese and bore the mental scars as a result. Another French teacher had taken a shrapnel wound. And Bill Knox, the legendary and ubiquitous janny (janitor or care-taker if that term means nothing to you) had been evacuated from Dunkirk after a close shave. Bill proudly wore his medal ribbons on his janitor’s uniform every day.
It was obvious that Remembrance meant something to these men. Sometimes a former pupil would attend the ceremony and they would stand in solemn thought considering their fallen classmates. Once I saw the Deputy Head – a tough Aberdonian – escort one of these veterans who he had fought with to the memorial with his wreath. I saw their faces – a stern stoicism masking deep emotion – as they walked out in the cold.
The second thing that affected me was the war memorial at the school with its names covering all four sides of a rather fine stone needle. I stood and studied them more than once during my school days. These were young men just like me – just like me! They came from exactly the same place, from exactly the same background, with exactly the same life experience as me – just a couple of generations earlier. But for the Grace of God...
These had been wars of national survival with a total mobilisation of the country. If I had been alive I would have been there and so would my friends. Something struck me that these boys deserved to be remembered.
Finally, as a young man I read a lot of history – I even went on to study it at university. I read a lot about what these men went through, what they faced, what conditions were like. I read the horrific combat statistics. I read the accounts of battle. I read the soldiers’ stories. Many deaths were heroic but often they were just sad or tragic!
My Granny also left an impression on me. Her husband (my Grandfather who I never knew) Hugh Young had been on the Somme (in one of the earliest tanks in fact). He came back, but many of their friends and family did not. Remembrance Day meant a lot to my Granny – or the 11th hour on the 11th day of the 11th month as she called it.
My Granny and the teachers at my school left and indelible impression on me. Remembrance Day was about remembering the people who had died and it was about raising money to support those who had been scarred by war.
I heard a guy on the radio form the White Poppy movement. Now pacifism is a laudable and absolutely legitimate position to hold and to campaign for. But this man was ungenerous, mean spirited, ill informed and talked complete and utter guff.
In a funny way I have never understood those who say Remembrance Day is militaristic. Because the day focuses on remembering the people who have died I have always thought pacifists and those who are uncomfortable about our foreign adventures should be amongst the most passionate exponents and participants in Remembrance Day. It is after all a day we focus on the true cost of war and the pity of war!
It is about remembrance whether we approve or disapprove of any given war.
Kate Higgins told the story of the origins of Remembrance Day and the Poppy in her blog 'Poppy Cock' earlier this week. I think she is spot on in what she says. The one big difference is that the meaning of symbols and ceremonies do evolve, like language, over time.
So, I always wear the poppy because I believe:
- We should never forget what happened in two world wars in the 20th century and try to learn the lessons from them.
- In remembrance of those who died in those wars – even if not known personally.
This means thinking of the 2nd war which was a war of national survival for us – a war which pulled us and so many other countries into a conflict with tyranny. This means thinking of the 1st war where the slaughter was on an almost industrial scale – a much more complex conflict to understand but still a war of national survival although with a real sense of millions dying in the war games of a ruling elite. This means thinking of the young who had their lives torn up to face fear and for many of them sacrifice.
Today wars are not of national survival and sometimes appear morally ambiguous. Iraq was wrong! Afghanistan was probably the right thing to do but has become less clear cut as time has gone on.
Nevertheless, these are security actions and it is important that they are undertaken and more to the point that we have men and women who are ready and willing to go into combat if called on. And we should remember those people who die and we should look after those who are maimed or suffer mental torment afterwards.
Remembrance Day – lest we forget!
I’ll leave you with this rather poignant clip...
Thursday, 20 October 2011
This is what always happens to tyrants in the end
Sic semper tyrannis
Meaning literally, 'thus always to tyrants'. Perhaps it is better translated as 'this is what always happens to tyrants in the end'. It was supposedly said by Marcus Brutus at the assassination of Caesar in 44 BC, although he probably never actually said these words.
This seems to me to be a general truth through history - in the end. Just as the Velvet Revolutions of 1989 saw Communist Europe fall relatively peacefully, so it was that the ending was not so quiet for Ceausescu in Rumania - probably the worst of the dictators.
And so it is with the 'Arab Spring'. This seems a strangely appropriate quote today, with the demise of Muammar Gaddafi.
I wonder what the future holds for the Assads in Syria?
Meaning literally, 'thus always to tyrants'. Perhaps it is better translated as 'this is what always happens to tyrants in the end'. It was supposedly said by Marcus Brutus at the assassination of Caesar in 44 BC, although he probably never actually said these words.
This seems to me to be a general truth through history - in the end. Just as the Velvet Revolutions of 1989 saw Communist Europe fall relatively peacefully, so it was that the ending was not so quiet for Ceausescu in Rumania - probably the worst of the dictators.
And so it is with the 'Arab Spring'. This seems a strangely appropriate quote today, with the demise of Muammar Gaddafi.
I wonder what the future holds for the Assads in Syria?
Friday, 7 October 2011
3 Apples that changed the world
Someone highlighted to me that three Apples have changed the world...
- Adam and Eve
- Isaac Newton
- Steve Jobs
A bit cheesy but food for thought none the less!! So, with the passing of Steve Jobs this week I wanted to write about him and also the three apples that completely changed the world.
Adam and Eve – the power of storytelling
The Biblical story of Adam and Eve eating the apple – the forbidden fruit - will be well known to you, whatever your religious viewpoint. In fact it is one of the best known stories in the entire world.
Adam and Eve is the story of creation and sets the tone for God’s relationship with human kind. It tells the story of our fall from Grace, is the basis for the Christian doctrine of Original Sin and forms the basis of not just one but three of the great religions of the world.
These are complex theological ideas but brilliantly delivered in a story (whatever your view of Biblical truth or allegory) and one of the best examples in history of the power of story-telling to get over complex ideas.
Isaac Newton – this is the modern world
Isaac Newton is widely considered to be the most influential scientist who has ever lived and his greatest theories – on which our entire understanding of the physical universe is based – are said to all be based on an apple falling on his head while he sat under a tree.
Newton laid the foundations for classical mechanics by describing universal gravitation and the three laws of motion which describes how we have understood the physical universe for over three centuries. His work forms the basis of the Physics we learn at school to this day.
He also proved the concept of planetary motion and established that the earth circles the sun – not the other way around.
He also takes the credit along with a guy named Leibniz for the development of differential and integral calculus.
He did a lot of other clever stuff, was a theologian, ran the Royal Mint and was an all round genius.
Put simply, he advanced the scientific revolution that created the entire modern world we live in to this day.
Steve Jobs – intuitive beauty
And so to Steve Jobs who sadly died this week. Steve Jobs is synonymous with Apple, the company he co-founded and the company he has led since 1996. In his innovative drive he has changed so much about technology and the way we live our lives today.
He developed one of the first commercially successful PCs – the Apple II
He created the MacIntosh because he saw the potential of a mouse driven graphical user interface – how crap and unintuitive was computing using the keypad and BBC Basic command prompts.
He set up Pixar out of Lucasfilm which lead to the re-birth of film animation and to films like Toy Story and a Bugs Life.
His revolutionary work at NeXT included a multi-media email system which could share voice, image, graphics and video in email for the first time.
He went back to Apple and turned in upside down, becoming the completely dominant figure.
He achieved enormous commercial success with the iMac based on beautiful design.
He developed the iPod and iTunes digital software which revolutionised the way we access, buy and listen to music. MP3s and digitally sourced music has all but killed CDs and high street record stores. You are more likely to listen to your iPod on the bus or out jogging than listening to music on the car CD player now.
He then developed the iPhone – the first smartphone – a multi touch display mobile phone.
Jobs was an inspirational, charismatic and highly energetic business leader – autocratic too. He was also something of a lifestyle guru. His foresight in setting trends and in innovations of style and intuitive usability has shaped much of our day to day living and the way we use technology in our lives.
Jobs didn’t do market research. He was a true market leader, knowing what the public wanted before they knew it – understanding the marriage of intuitive functionality and beautiful design.
Sunday, 2 October 2011
What should the LibDems do next? What does the data tell us?
The last year has been terrible for the LibDems. Their brand, based on realignment of the left
and carefully constructed for over half a century, has had a coach and horses
driven through it. Their poll
ratings are disastrous – even accounting for a recent turnaround from absolute
rock bottom. They have a mountain to
climb to save seats with a less than favourable economic backdrop, and the
result of going into coalition has exceeded even the most miserable of worst
case scenarios.
Perhaps worst of all there has been a complete loss of trust,
pulling the rug of credibility from under them and seeming to undermine
everything they say or do to try to make it better!
What should the Liberal Democrats do - the data says... ?
Evidence based solutions is something of a buzz phrase these
days for everything from scientific study, to corporate strategising. In this regard therefore Lord Ashcroft’s
polling of marginal Conservative constituencies is extremely interesting. (As was his analysis in December of the LibDem vote). A number of blogs have covered the results in detail. See Mark Pack, UKpolling report, Solutions Focused Politics and Solutions Focused Politics again.These results tell us the following:
- 41% of voters in LibDem target seats say they share their values (it’s even 33% in other seats). This is a very high number – more than the other parties in LibDem target seats. 42% also felt the LibDems were on the side of ordinary voters (more than for any other party albeit just ahead of Labour)
- Only 32% say the LibDems are clear about what they stand for, in their target seats. It is 28% in other seats. These numbers are lower than for the other parties.
- A derisory 24% say the LibDems will do what they say, the number falls to 21% in non target seats. The other parties have low numbers on this category too – but more than the LibDems.
What issues are considered important remains very similar across Tory, Labour and LibDem held seats. Education, the Environment and dealing with the deficit come up slightly more important in LibDem areas than other seats. Crime and Immigration come out as slightly less important than the norm in LibDem areas.
So what should the LibDems do?
In order to recover the Liberal Democrats need to be much better at defining precisely who they are and what they want to do, and communicating that effectively.
Everything comes from that. General ideas of fairness will not do. General ideas of listening to the public and then working to deliver their needs sounds laudable but ultimately is more confusing; that is casework which is very important but should not be mixed up with a political credo. It is very important for the Liberal Democrats to get this right as this is at the heart of their problems.
Secondly, there is a need for delivery. A number of substantive things need delivered that make a difference to men and women's lives. Civil liberties and constitutional reform are important but they should be treated as a ring fenced area. The key issues are the ones that make life better. If the LibDems succeed in implementing good policy in these areas - and being perceived as having delivered - then that outweighs things they have not done - such as on tuition fees in England and Wales and in failing to prevent a rise in VAT. This is the only route back to credibility and re-establishing trust.
Delivery needs to come with it some sort of vision, an analysis of where they find themselves, some sort of story or narrative of what is wrong and how this can be put right. This ties the two key ingredients of core principles and doing what they say together.
This, if they can begin to deliver, could pay dividends as there is a pool of potential belief in the Liberal Democrats out there as shown by the numbers of people who still feel they share their values or they are basically on their side.
Other interesting things we have learned
- We have also learned from Lord Ashcroft that a significant number of voters seriously considered voting LibDem in 2010 but decided not to.
- The main reason for deciding not to was because they felt the LibDems could have no influence and were a wasted vote.
- Two thirds of these people think the LibDems are making an important contribution to government.
- Nearly all LibDem voters felt Labour seriously lost their way in government. The poor showing of Labour in Scotland - once a General Election against the Tories was removed from the equation - and difficult poll ratings for Ed Milliband, suggest that while Labour may be doing reasonably well in the face of the government's austerity plans they have not yet sealed the deal for themselves with the British public.
- Many 2010 LibDem voters will not decide for some time how they will vote for a General election and do not rule out going back to the LibDems.
- The polling in Conservative/LibDem marginals at least is consistent with between election polling in previous electoral cycles
What does this all mean?
In Conservative held seats at least, there is a pool of voters who have considered supporting the LibDems before, believe they share their values and think they are making a contribution in government whereas before they felt they were a wasted vote. If the LibDems can develop a coherent narrative as to who they are and if they start to be seen to deliver worthwhile things, some of these people will vote for them.
When you consider the LibDems are not that far behind in Conservative marginals, and certainly no worse than in previous electoral cycles, there is hope behind their low polling numbers - the data tells us so.
We have been here before
In Conservative held seats at least, there is a pool of voters who have considered supporting the LibDems before, believe they share their values and think they are making a contribution in government whereas before they felt they were a wasted vote. If the LibDems can develop a coherent narrative as to who they are and if they start to be seen to deliver worthwhile things, some of these people will vote for them.
When you consider the LibDems are not that far behind in Conservative marginals, and certainly no worse than in previous electoral cycles, there is hope behind their low polling numbers - the data tells us so.
We have been here before
Because we have been here before. After the successes of 1974 and assorted by-election victories the Liberals fell back towards the end of the 70s and the big parties were eager to write them off. I remember listening to Clive Jenkins, the crusty old trade unionist, on
the radio on some local election night late in the 1970s, saying the
Liberals results were patchy - which meant bad. This, he argued was a good
thing because they were a distraction from the real political argument.
After the Alliance ended and the Owenite SDP rump refused to join the merged party, poll ratings collapsed to lower than they are now and the 1989 Euro elections were a disaster. Again commentators were very quick to write off the LibDems.
Their opponents are so condescending but fail to understand the resilience and depth of their position.
I felt then, in the late 1980s that the LibDems would be alright because there was a 'market' demand to vote for a decent centrist party. This time I have not been so sure. The trust and credibility thing feels ominous to me - and the damage feels particularly severe in Scotland where an Alex Salmond lead SNP are resurgent and occupy the centre ground. However, this data tells me there is still a market demand as there was before. It may be that some of the cities of northern England where we had made inroads against Labour are lost for at least this electoral cycle. Scotland may also be more of a challenge for a period.
Nevertheless, even in Scotland, there is hope and the Ashcroft data shows that there is potential for LibDem growth if they can get their core values right, deliver something substantive in government and communicate it effectively.
The data says there is hope!
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